Joe Scott 3: The Body Politic

Faith: New Democratic Campaign Model?

09 November 2005 |permalink | email article

I was interested in the comment of Ken Mehlman, chairman of the Republican National Committee, on National Public Radio about the resounding victory of Democrat Tim Kaine over Republican Jerry Kilgore in this week’s Virginia gubernatorial race.

The Democratic lieutenant governor won, said Mehlman, President Bushís 2004 campaign manager, because he ran a Republican style race. While a false conclusion, it was a revealing indication that the party chief is concerned about a possible GOP meltdown in next year’s mid-term elections.

Mehlman, a favorite of Bushís chief adviser, Karl Rove, rushed the president into a Richmond airplane hanger for an eleventh hour campaign event in an attempt to rally the GOP faithful but it fizzled.
 
Kllgore accused Kaine of being too liberal for conservative Virginia. But Kaine crushed him in the northern part of the state and got more than 60% in Fairfax County, home to one in seven Virginia voters. He also beat Kilgore in the outer suburbs, which Republicans need to offset the Democratic advantage inside the Capital Beltway.

The real point that Mehlman choose to ignore is that Kaine becomes the first candidate since the reinstatement of the death penalty to win the governorship of a Southern state despite his personal opposition to it. But, as a practicing Catholic, Kaine said he would follow the law on capital punishment and protect the right of abortion which he also opposes.

As the Washington Post observed, the Kaine win presents ìan intriguing campaign model for Democrats, in which faith plays an important role.î On election night Kaine said ìthat faith in God is a value we can all share regardless of party.î Whenís the last time a prominent Democratic candidate dared to say that?

John Kerry, had he been been more forthcoming in explaining his religious beliefs, might be president today.

Kaineís win in a Red State also demonstrates the appeal of Virginiaís popular Democratic Gov. Mark Warner who appears headed toward a 2008 presidential bid.

Arnold: Total Recall

09 November 2005 |permalink | email article

Arnold Schwarzenegger, the self-proclaimed reform governor, wasnít on the ballot in yesterdayís California election. But his political fantasy, passing four big initiatives ñ teacher tenure, union dues, redistricting and a centerpiece-spending cap ñ crashed and burned. And he with them. 

The muscleman-turned action hero, who fancied himself as a reincarnation of Californiaís progressive Gov. Hiram W. Johnson, founder of the initiative movement in 1911, predictably turned out to be a less than an authentic model for change.

For an immigrant who has never suffered professional defeat in any occupation, the depth of the loss has to shatter any illusion that his famed discipline and will alone can someday vault him into the presidency. 

Schwarzenegger naively failed to grasp that winning a 2003 recall election against an inept incumbent is quite different than a poorly advised decision to call an unpopular special election months before the regular one ñ a miscalculation that cost well over $200 million.

The electorate showed that it is no longer in awe of his Mr. Olympia persona. It saw through his faux populist campaign trashing teachers, nurses, unions, and law enforcement ìspecial interestsî while he was raising tens of millions from special interest corporations and wealthy individuals in the name of the people.

It was not another “fantastic” Hollywood movie ending ñ let alone another Jay Leno moment - for the conservative Republican who showed rare humility in Beverly Hills last night. He said he looks forward to ending the negative campaign and meeting with Democratic legislative leaders in Sacramento on Thursday to discuss new ideas before his trade mission to China. Seeing Maria Shriver standing nearby and kissing him twice, one had the sense that, as she said to her husband early in the campaign, “it’s time to come home.”

But the liberal actor Warren Beatty, an effective Democratic surrogate, appeared puzzled by the governorís sudden bipartisan talk, suggesting in interviews it was a shame that the governor had caused so much money to be spent to restore some civility to government and public service.

With his political reputation in tatters, the question now is whether Schwarzenegger, whoís announced heíll seek a second term next year, has really learned anything from this debacle. Just before the election he mused about ideas for 15 new initiatives ñ a scary suggestion which could trigger an even more obscene spending orgy in í06.

It will be a long winter for the governor with much to ponder. Heíll need to shuck the arrogance, bombast and the bluster, recruit a fresh team and replace former consultants to former Gov. Pete Wilson who spent his millions and gave terrible advice, and figure out how to revive a dead Republican party.

In the end, celebrity alone does not a make a political leader. Ronald Reagan was the great exception. 

Torture: Is Cheney in Charge?

08 November 2005 |permalink | email article

On primary day, a year after George W. Bush just managed to be pushed over the goal line by Ohio and win reelection, the first voter clues about his leadership on the Iraq war will soon be more apparent. National polls offer strong negative hints.

A drive to complete the second phase of the Senate Intelligence Committee report on the rush to war, thanks to Democratic prodding, shows new promise with a scheduled Nov. 14 update.

But the major hot button issue today is about the use of torture of prisoners of war.

It is a fight being led by Vice President Cheney in a largely unpublicized campaign to stop Congress from imposing more restrictive rules on the handling of terror suspects with an explicit ban on torture.

Supporters of the no-torture wording, which proponents say is supported by majorities in both houses of Congress, have threatened to put such language in every bill the Senate considers until it becomes law. The measureís final form is being negotiated with the House and the White House, but Cheneyís shadowy presence behind the throne is clear.

Late last week, Sen. John McCain, tortured while a prisoner in the Vietnam War, convinced the Senate by a voice vote to add a related military bill as a backup. He flayed the administrationís position that prisoners ìcan, apparently, be treated inhumanely.î

The ban would establish the Army Field Manual as the guiding authority on interrogations in interrogations and prohibit, ìcruel, inhumane and degrading treatmentî of prisoners. Cheney, clearly the architect of aggressive interrogation of some detainees, made an impassioned plea to Republican senators over lunch last week to reject McCainís amendment, but he may be losing ground.

President Bush, in somewhat oblique language yesterday about anti-terror efforts, said that ìanything we doÖto that endÖany activity we conduct, is within the law. We do not torture.î But his remarks, and Cheneyís effort to exempt the CIA from legislation against torture, suggest for many members of Congress that the administration has learned little from the recent Iraq prison-abuse scandals. The outcome of this fight has important implications for the 2006 mid-term elections and the remainder of Bushís presidency.

Again, it comes back to flaws in intelligence assessments about starting a preemptive war that has boomeranged.